Georgia’s Laboratory of Democracy
Can Georgia Escape the Long Shadow of the Russian Federation?
This essay from Civic Way’s global democracy series was co-written by Bob Melville and Will Arrington. Bob is the founder of Civic Way, a nonprofit dedicated to good government, and a management consultant with over 45 years of experience. Will is an advisor to Civic Way with a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Will, a former Peace Corps volunteer, works in Washington DC.
Civic Way’s Comparative Democracy Series
The world’s democracies come in many forms but face similar challenges, usually from within. Georgia, a former member of the Soviet bloc, also must overcome the autocratic pull of neighboring Russia.
Some have strong central governments, some federated structures. Some an independent chief executive and some a parliamentary form. Some coexist with a ceremonial monarchy. Such forms may have historical, cultural or demographic roots, but most are framed by a constitution.
To meet the inherent challenges of democracies, many nations refine their constitutions, laws and cultural norms. Learning about these changes, and the risks they were intended to address, can yield promising ideas for preserving and improving our own democracy.
Civic Way’s Comparative Democracy Series
The world’s democracies come in many forms but face similar challenges, usually from within. Georgia, a former member of the Soviet bloc, also must overcome the autocratic pull of neighboring Russia.
Some have strong central governments, some federated structures. Some an independent chief executive and some a parliamentary form. Some coexist with a ceremonial monarchy. Such forms may have historical, cultural or demographic roots, but most are framed by a constitution.
To meet the inherent challenges of democracies, many nations refine their constitutions, laws and cultural norms. Learning about these changes, and the risks they were intended to address, can yield promising ideas for preserving and improving our own democracy.
An Introduction to Georgia
The former Soviet Union is not celebrated for birthing vibrant democracies. The 15 former Soviet states, decades after gaining independence, still suffer a myriad of problems—closed economies, rampant political corruption, cartoonish dictatorships and lingering public apathy. The Russian Federation’s shadow is long and proven hard to escape.
In recent years, however, some post-Soviet states have overcome enormous obstacles, and become more democratic. Perhaps none has made more strides than Georgia. Unfortunately, the country George W. Bush once lauded is facing some ominous issues.
Georgia borders Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey and the Black Sea. With 4,800 square miles of land, Georgia is slightly larger than West Virginia. It has a population of about five million, of which 86 percent are Georgians and the rest mostly Armenian, Azerbaijani and Russian minorities. Most citizens speak Georgian and most are Christian (Georgian Orthodox). The Azerbaijani minority is mostly Shia Muslim.
Georgia has an estimated GDP (PPP) of $74 billion dollars, for an annual per capita GDP of nearly $19,800 (74th in the world). Its economy is dominated by agricultural products, including world renowned wines, but also includes smaller mining, chemical, steel and machinery sectors. Its primary export partners are neighboring nations, plus the European Union and China.
Georgia’s democratic transition is relatively recent. After its 1991 secession from the Soviet Union, Georgia descended into civil war. In 1993, with Russia’s backing, the independent countries of Abkhazia and South Ossetia seceded, and Georgia lost 20 percent of its territory. Eduard Shevardnadze capitalized on this issue to become President. However, in 2003, after a blatantly fraudulent parliamentarian election, Shevardnadze was ousted in the bloodless Rose Revolution.
Mikhail Saakashvili served as President from 2004 to 2013. He arrested oligarchs, reformed the government, enacted a flat tax and made massive infrastructure investments. Georgia became pro-Western. Daily life stabilized and the economy boomed. However, some took issue with Saakashvili’s excesses—like his nationalistic rhetoric and personal lifestyle—and public support began to wane.
In 2008, after NATO agreed to review Georgia’s application for membership, Russia invaded the country under the guise of a peacekeeping operation. After a brutal but brief war, Abkhazia and South Ossetia won territory and the Russian Federation’s recognition. The war left scars, but steeled Georgia’s resolve to increase Western ties. In 2016, it entered a comprehensive economic pact with the European Union, and in 2022 submitted an expedited application to the European Union.
Georgia’s Government
As set forth in its 1995 constitution and the 2012 constitutional changes, Georgia is a semi-presidential representative parliamentary republic with three branches of government:
Executive branch – The President serves as the largely ceremonial chief of state and the Prime Minister serves as the head of government, overseeing the Cabinet of Ministers.
Legislative branch – The 150-seat unicameral Parliament enacts legislation, appoints cabinet ministers and appoints Supreme Court judges.
Judicial branch – There are three types of general jurisdiction (common) courts, the Supreme Court, appellate courts and 34 first-instance (district) courts. The Supreme Court, which comprises 28 judges organized by specialty, is the highest court of appeal. There are two appellate courts (one each for eastern and western Georgia). The Constitutional Court, which comprises nine judges, is the only court empowered to declare a law unconstitutional.
Georgia’s unitary government is divided into nine regions, one capital region and two autonomous regions (republics)[i]. The 12 regions are subdivided into 67 districts and five self-governing cities.
Georgia’s Democracy
In 2022, the Economist’s Intelligence Unit gave Georgia a Democracy Index score of 5.11, maintaining its hybrid regime status. Georgia’s score has declined from 5.93 in 2015, falling below its neighbors Armenia and Ukraine. This is due to several factors, including election irregularities and the ruling Georgian Dream party’s aggressive consolidation of power.
Freedom House designates Georgia a partly free country with a score of 58 (of 100). While noting democratic improvements after 2004, Freedom House has been critical of Georgia’s backsliding since the 2012–13 power transfer. It has highlighted anti-democratic developments such as problems with elections, free speech protections and the rule of law.
Other noteworthy aspects of Georgia’s democracy include the following:
Voting – Suffrage is universal to all citizens over the age of 18. There are no penalties for not voting.
Elections – Parliamentary and Presidential elections are held every four years. Local elections for the municipal governors, Tbilisi mayor and other local officers are also held every four years.
Campaign financing – Election campaigns are mostly funded by political parties[ii] but receive some public funds. However, since public funds are apportioned based on each party’s parliamentary seats, the dominant parties receive the lion’s share of the funds.
Executive branch – The President has been directly elected[iii]. Starting in 2024, however, the President will be chosen by presidential electors instead of a direct vote[iv]. The Prime Minister is elected by Parliament and appointed by the President.
Legislative branch – 120 members are elected by voters by proportional representation while the remaining 30 seats are directly elected by plurality to represent single-member districts.
Legislative representation – 120 deputies are chosen to represent parties from closed party lists based on each party’s share of total parliamentary votes. The threshold for winning parliamentary seats was recently reduced but will return to five percent by 2024. Under the 2017 constitutional amendments, Georgia will have a fully proportional representation system in 2024.
Judicial branch – Supreme Court judges are vetted by the High Council of Justice and appointed by Parliament[v]. The Constitutional Court members are appointed by the President, Parliament and Supreme Court.
Term limits – The President serves up to two five-year consecutive terms and has legal immunity while in office. Parliamentary members serve four-year terms. Supreme Court justices serve for life. The Constitutional Court members serve ten-year terms.
Removal process – The President may be removed upon a 2/3 vote of the Parliament. The process is initiated by a 1/3 Parliamentary vote and the Constitutional Court’s finding of merit. Impeachment cannot be implemented during war, martial law or national emergencies.
Georgia has a multi-party system, but it is far less competitive than in 2012. There are several opposition parties, but they are deeply divided. The Georgian Dream, which began as a coalition of smaller parties[vi], has become the dominant political party, holding 90 or 60 percent of the parliamentary seats. The United National Movement (UNM) is the largest opposition party, but only holds 36 (24 percent) of parliamentary seats. The remaining seats are held by 11 other parties. There are 21 other active parties that hold no parliamentary seats, but some municipal offices.
National elections are administered by the Central Election Commission (CEC), and local elections are administered by 76 District Election Commissions (DECs) and 3,700 Precinct Election Commissions (PECs). The CEC has 13 members serving five-year terms, five of whom are selected by the Parliament. The DECs have 13 members, five of whom are selected by the CEC. The PECs also have 13 members.
Georgia’s Recent Political Landscape
In 2012, Georgia amended its constitution to adopt a parliamentary democracy for the 2012 and 2013 elections. Business mogul Bidzina Ivanishvili, reportedly Georgia’s wealthiest man (and a Putin ally), founded and financed the Georgian Dream coalition[vii] to oppose Saakashvili. Georgian Dream won the 2012 parliamentary elections, defeating President Saakashvili’s ruling United National Movement (UNM) party and ending nine years of UNM rule.
The new Parliament made Ivanishvili Prime Minister. Saakashvili, while term-limited, remained President during the transition to parliamentary democracy. The Georgian Dream party’s candidate, Giorgi Margvelashvili, won the 2013 presidential election and President Saakashvili left office. In 2015, upon securing power, Prime Minister Ivanishvili stepped aside and arranged for a close business associate—Giorgi Kvirikashvili—to be named Prime Minister.
In 2016, the Georgian Dream coalition won the parliamentary elections with 48 percent of the vote. However, due to gerrymandered single-member districts and the peculiarities of the proportional vote system (at the time), Georgian Dream won 77 percent of the seats. The United National Movement (UNM) won 27 percent of the vote. Only four parties won parliamentary seats.
In 2018, Salome Zurabishvili, Georgian Dream’s candidate, won the presidency with 59 percent of the vote in the second round. This was Georgia’s last direct presidential election[viii]. That same year, due in part to internal party strife, growing public protests, and declining public support, Prime Minister Kvirikashvili resigned. Ivanishvili returned to politics to become Georgian Dream’s chair.
The 2020 parliamentary election was highly controversial. After the first round, eight opposition parties accused Georgian Dream of election fraud and demanded a do-over. Georgian Dream won 48 percent of the vote but 60 percent of the parliamentary seats. Lowering the proportional threshold increased the number of parties represented but preserved Georgian Dream’s majority.
Possible Lessons (or Cautionary Tales) for the US
Georgia is at a crossroads. It has a democratic system in place with some civic engagement and political opposition. However, its democracy faces serious challenges that cannot be ignored.
Voting – Turnout for the 2020 parliamentary elections was 56 percent for the first round, but only 26 percent for the second round (after the opposition—and many voters—boycotted the runoff).
Elections – The country’s one-party domination has heightened political tensions that were only temporarily resolved by an agreement brokered by the European Union (the Georgian Dream party later withdrew from the agreement).
Campaign financing – Since the ruling Georgian Dream party receives twice as much public funding as the 16 opposition parties combined, the financing system’s fairness has been questioned.
Executive branch – The parliamentary system has facilitated one-party rule (and frequent prime minister turnover), enabled Ivanishvili to maintain his grip on Georgia’s government and improved the nation’s uneasy relations with the Russian Federation.
Legislative representation – The proportional legislative system still favors the ruling party, an imbalance which, despite recent modifications, remains a divisive political issue.
Legislative and judicial branches – The independence of Georgia’s Parliament and judiciary branch from the ruling Georgian Dream party cannot be assured.
Removal process – Requiring the Supreme Court to assess the merit of the President’s impeachment may decrease the prospect of frivolous impeachment proceedings. However, allowing a President to stop an impeachment proceeding by declaring an emergency is a fundamental flaw.
After the 2003 Rose Revolution, Georgia took steps toward a more vibrant democracy. President Saakashvili promoted Western liberal democracy, battled institutional corruption, broke the post-Soviet mafia, and instituted economic reforms, earning Putin’s unbridled wrath. Saakashvili was by no means a model of morality but, when his party lost the 2012 parliamentary elections, he quickly accepted defeat and, in 2013, left office and moved to Ukraine.
What happened next left pro-democracy advocates shaken. After winning the 2012 parliamentary elections, the Georgian Dream Party moved swiftly to secure its status as the dominant party. Under Bidzina Ivanishvili’s leadership, the government pressured judges, imprisoned an independent media outlet’s executive, and spread Russian propaganda. The European Union spurned Georgia’s application for membership.
The government’s treatment of former President Saakashvili has been most alarming. It convicted him of crimes in his absence. It arrested and imprisoned him after he returned in 2021 (presumably to mount a political comeback). In prison, it has subjected him to a Soviet-style slow death—with poison, unconventional medical treatment and reported beatings. If the 55-year-old Saakashvili dies in prison, as seems entirely possible, the hopes for a democratic Georgia could die with him.
The prognosis? Russia may be winning with peaceful means in Georgia what it has thus far failed to win with military force in Ukraine.
Still, democracy in Georgia is not dead yet. Opposition parties are divided but continue to fight anti-democratic policies. Many citizens are demanding more transparency from the government. Most Georgians have expressed enthusiastic support for Ukraine, and most want to join NATO. If it rights itself, Georgia could once again become the beacon of liberty once lauded by George W. Bush.